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Even before the official end of the agreement, the civil war between the South and the North had continued even more violently than before. Since the signing of the Addis Ababa Agreement in 1972, sporadic uprisings had taken place in the south, but they had been quickly suppressed. However, in May 1983, an army battalion stationed in Bor fled into the bush under the leadership of Colonel John Garang de Mabior. The rebels were disappointed by Nimeiri and his government, which had imposed corruption and despised the countries of the South. Led by Garang, the ranks of the Boron garrison, which took refuge in Ethiopia, were soon swollen by disgruntled Southerners, determined to redress their complaints by force of arms under the banner of the Sudan People`s Liberation Army (SPLA) and its political wing, the Sudan People`s Liberation Movement (SPLM). A decade of relative peace ensued, although the Addis Ababa agreement failed to ease the tensions that had originally caused the civil war. The Addis Ababa agreement proved to be a temporary respite. Resource violations and marginalization by the North caused an intensification of unrest in the South from the late 1970s onwards. Meanwhile, the South Sudanese rebels had reorganized. Previously composed of several independent commandos, they were reunited in 1971 under the command of General Joseph Lagu who, under his authority, united both anya Nya`s combat units and their political wing, South Sudan. Machar, leader of the main SPLM-IO rebel group, and other insurgent factions signed the new agreement with the Juba government after assuring that a power-sharing agreement would be respected. The Sudan-brokered deal restores Machar to his former role as vice president. ADDIS ABABA (Reuters) – South Sudan`s President Salva Kiir on Wednesday signed a peace deal with rebel groups in the Ethiopian capital to try to end a civil war that has killed at least 50,000 people, displaced two million and halted the country`s progress since independence seven years ago.
Although Nimeiri initially attempted to dismantle the rebels by military force, the Sudanese army only managed to disrupt food distribution, which, combined with drought and reduced harvests, caused widespread famine in South Sudan. Without the support of the population, Nimeiri faced a successful armed rebellion in the South and growing criticism in the North for the severity with which he attempted to practice the corporal punishment prescribed by Islamic law. In response, Nimeiri toned down his harsh policy: he lifted the state of emergency he had declared five months earlier, lifted the tripartite division of the South, and overturned the more brutal aspects of the Islamic courts. But these vain gestures came too late. Nimeiri was overthrown in April 1985 in a non-bloody coup by its chief of staff, General Abd al-Raḥmān Siwar al-Dahab. Although the new military government held elections in 1986 that made Ṣādiq al-Mahdī prime minister, the next three years were marked by political instability, indecisive leaders, partisan manipulations that led to short-lived coalitions, and abortive attempts to reach a peaceful solution with the PLA. These years of indecision ended on June 30, 1989, when a Revolutionary Command Council for National Redemption under the leadership of Lieutenant General Omar Ḥassan Aḥmad al-Bashir took power. . .
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